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The paranoid-style of politics โ€ฆ

I have always been very fascinated by the now quite old Richard Hofsteader essay. While his decades-old essay is mostly about the right-wing movements of the earlier centuries, paranoia is a central part of โ€œfringeโ€ politics. Sometimes itโ€™s distrust of monied interests, sometimes itโ€™s Hollywood or big business, sometimes itโ€™s a distrust of a religious group, race or political party.

The Mayo Clinic defines paranoia as a โ€œAn unrealistic distrust of others or a feeling of being persecutedโ€. 

If you look hard enough at any community, you are bound to find some people arenโ€™t completely honest. There is a lot incentive to cut corners and we all develop cliques and have close connections that sometimes blind our objectivity. Sometimes there is outright corruption or criminal activity, but they tend to be a lot less frequent then the paranoid imagination would imagine. Most people donโ€™t engage in criminal conspiracy, simply because of the risk to their own reputation and the fact that most institutions are built in ways to actively discourage criminal behavior by having audits and positive reinforcement for good behavior.

Out groups often donโ€™t see that. People who believe the politicians are ignoring their wishes are likely to believe that the reason that representatives arenโ€™t representing them is because they are somehow corrupt or evil. Thatโ€™s ignoring the fact that politicians often have very active feelers on public opinion โ€” elected officials read and study the newspapers and regularly conduct public opinion polling to ensure that they are acting in ways that the public wants. After all, if a politicians isnโ€™t representing the public will, they are likely to get voted out of office, which means fired from their jobs. And most elected officials want to be loved, not hated by the public if only to stroke their egos.

Sometimes people just have ideas that are different then the majorityโ€™s view in their community. The farther you go out and up โ€” the county, the state, the national level โ€” the more diverse the electorate and the more likely to have a majority opinion different then your own in-group. Seeing oneโ€™s own political ideals ignored and snuffed out can be alienating, and lead people to search into the depths, looking for evidence that they have been defrauded and that their opponents are not playing honestly, using deceit and other illicit means to achieve their power and prominence.

Often I see paranoia being emphasized as a right-wing phenomenon, but if you look at many of environmental, labor, housing, and anti-war movement activists, you will see many of the same paranoid trends on the left. Some of it might just be rhetoric โ€“ often political rhetoric is more paranoid-sounding then actual belief. But you canโ€™t look at the far-left activist and not hear many of the same conspiracy theories you hear on the right.

Are the fracking companies really working to poison your drinking water?

Peter Vallone vs George Pataki (1998)

24 years ago, a very red year at least for the Governor's race, with George Pataki receiving 54.3% of the vote to Peter Vallone's 33.2%. This was a three-way race, with Tom Golisano getting 7.7% of the vote, but for sake of mapping I ignored that. Peter Vallone really didn't win much outside of New York City, and the bluest of blue areas in Upstate cities.

With this I learned a lot about how to read fixed width files into R. It's actually not hard if you have the separate header files, and use the read_fwf to set the widths based on the header file. Which is good because a lot of old data is in fixed width format, especially things from the 1960s and 1970s but also later decades too for big datasets. You can get the R code for making the map: https://github.com/AndyArthur/r_maps_and_graphs/blob/main/pataki_v_vallone_1998_map.R

Peter Vallone vs George Pataki (1998)