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Should Public Transit Be Free? More Cities Say, Why Not? – The New York Times

Should Public Transit Be Free? More Cities Say, Why Not? – The New York Times

Fare box recoveries are so low, they might as well make it free.

It costs a lot of money to collect money, while most transit systems are heavily reliant on state and federal subsidies -- CDTA relies on 85 percent of it's revenue from sources besides fare boxes. Smaller systems recover even less from the fare box.

Why is the federal government subsidizing airports?

I was thinking the evening,Β how silly it is that the federal government is operating our air traffic control and security check-ins at airports. ✈Airlines are a for-profit, money-making operation, they should themselves be operating and paying for air-traffic control, not taxpayers. Airplanes are expensive and polluting, an industry thatΒ should be taking care of their own expenses,Β πŸ’°Β not something at the trough of the taxpayer,Β many who can’t afford to ride planes,Β certainly not at a regular interval.

Hang Gliders above Greylock

NPR

Studies Find Redlining Linked To More Heat, Fewer Trees In Cities Nationwide : NPR

In cities around the country, if you want to understand the history of a neighborhood, you might want to do the same thing you'd do to measure human health: Check its temperature.

That's what a group of researchers did, and they found that neighborhoods with higher temperatures were often the same ones subjected to discriminatory, race-based housing practices nearly a century ago.

The Trouble with Crime Statistics | The New Yorker

The Trouble with Crime Statistics | The New Yorker

The first problem with understanding crime is that measuring it is harder than it sounds. The Department of Justice approaches the problem in two ways. The F.B.I.’s Uniform Crime Reporting Program, or U.C.R., solicits data from about twenty thousand law-enforcement agencies around the country. Simultaneously, the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ National Crime Victimization Survey, or N.C.V.S., interviews about a hundred and fifty thousand nationally representative citizens, asking them whether they have been victims of a crime.

Both datasets have problems. An obvious one is that there’s no consensus about what counts as criminal activity. In some jurisdictions, only offenses worthy of incarceration are considered crimes. In others, fined infractions also count. (Is speeding a crime? What about manspreading, for which one can be fined seventy-five dollars in Los Angeles?) Because the U.C.R. draws its data from investigators, and the N.C.V.S. relies on victims, they can present starkly different pictures of crime. According to the U.C.R., the incidence of rape nearly doubled from 1973 to 1990. The N.C.V.S., by contrast, shows that it declined by around forty per cent during the same period. Researchers at Vanderbilt University looked into the discrepancy; they found that the upward trend in the U.C.R. data correlated with upticks in the number of female police officers, and with the advent of rape crisis centers and reformed investigative styles. It could be, in short, that a modernized approach to the policing of rape drastically increased the frequency with which it was reported while reducing its incidence. But coherent stories like these only sometimes emerge from the conflicting data.